Politics is upon us

IT wasn’t an ordinary day by any stretch of the imagination, even though it began rather ordinarily. There was little news to interest anyone (and Kashmir was a no-no for television channels). Initially, there came fleeting news about a press conference by the head of ISPR but it wasn’t meant to be. Those who had not been invited to the event thought the news was incorrect but later it transpired that the conference had been delayed to the next day, Friday. And then came the bombshell — in Islamabad at an event hosting businessmen for a conference on the economy, business and all things complicated. Here, instead of the speeches by the men managing Pakistan’s finances (if there were any), it was Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi’s speech that got all the attention. It’s still not clear why he spoke there but as the conference took place at a hall located close to his office, perhaps he offered to swing by and say a few words. His speech didn’t just create headlines; it created an entire news cycle. In simple words, he confirmed in a way what the government’s worst critics have been saying — that people are in pain and the government hasn’t been able to provide them with any relief. He put it even more bluntly. He spoke of the ‘system’ (the entire country — not just the one in Sindh) having collapsed. Not collapsing but collapsed. He said it wasn’t possible to deliver regardless of how hard the prime minister worked and how many long hours he put in. He referenced recent events in India, saying that if the ‘cockroaches’ (youth) got together, they would overthrow it all. But more intriguingly, he also made it clear that giving people a few thousand rupees or a laptop wasn’t enough. This was clearly a reference to the various schemes launched by the PML-N as well as the Benazir Income Support Programme, which is seen as the PPP’s baby. He proposed a solution by arguing the country needed more provinces or administrative units so that governance could be delivered at the doorstep. The next day, the DG ISPR reinforced this proposal. The interior minister’s indictment of the present government will not be forgotten easily. While his solution or proposal took no one by surprise, his criticism of the set-up did. After all, most of us are aware that there is much discussion behind closed doors on the need to revisit the NFC as well as the notion of devolution (which would assist the people as well as weaken the dynasty-controlled fiefdoms at the provincial level). However, Naqvi’s indictment of the present government will not be forgotten easily — for now, all those who had been waxing lyrical about the work done by Maryam Nawaz in Punjab or by Shehbaz Sharif at the centre will find it hard to argue that the party has delivered and won over the people. Interestingly, his remarks, which were a damning indictment of the current set-up, were initially met with silence. It took nearly a day before the reaction came from the PPP and PML-N whose public representatives are usually quick to hold media talks every day on any hint of criticism. But to contradict the interior minister, and one who is said to be very close to the highest in the establishment, is surely above the pay grade of those put in charge of information ministries. Still, the senior tiers were called to report for duty. In Sindh, the chief minister himself pooh-poohed the suggestion, while from the PML-N Rana Sanaullah was the first to fire back. Since then, others too have joined the fray, but most of the criticism focuses on Naqvi and not those who back him. There was also news of a family gathering at Jati Umrah in Lahore. Not much emerged from it other than some vloggers thundering about Nawaz Sharif having been woken up from his slumber — news that somehow didn’t get traction unlike Naqvi’s speech. Perhaps it is because the news is limited to a few who are relying on sources or because no one really believes the family is in a position to push back. The silence from the PPP heads is equally noticeable. In the meantime, the lower tiers might continue to thunder, though it is hard to believe Mohsin Naqvi will now respond to these allegations. But what now seems inevitable is another amendment to the Constitution, even if there is little clarity on what it will bring. New provinces and other wholesale changes (for it would mean reconfiguring the Senate)? Or simply a strong local government system with some federal areas? Or will it begin with easing the provisions for creating new provinces? Or a change in the NFC? Nothing is clear but the path ahead seems to lead to parliament. That Ahsan Bhoon was also present at the event where Naqvi spoke also indicates this. But while the powers that be have perhaps made their intentions clear, the silence from the parties means they are still to put together a strategy. Will they simply try to win over some concessions as they did during the previous two amendments? Will they drive a hard bargain? Or is the time and space for compromises over? The details are as above my pay grade as they are beyond the ability and position of Azma Bokhari or Atta Tarrar to respond to Naqvi. So as the hackneyed phrase goes, let’s wait and watch. However, it might just be safe to say that the amendment will not sail through without hiccups. It would mean a weakening of both the parties vis-à-vis the provincial governments, politically as well as in terms of patronage. For instance, the PPP will lose its political raison d’être; for Maryam Nawaz, the position of chief minister might lose its lustre, increasing the competition for the position in Islamabad. The initial instinct therefore will be to bargain and get something in return, if they decide not to push back. In other words, the hybrid system is now set for a new tug of war, which may leave some, if not all, of the stakeholders a little worse for wear. The writer is a journalist. Published in Dawn, August 4th, 2026

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